would be necessary
to leave wholly to the spiritual, and the clergy, matters which
with us are mixed."

Not many days later, the ambassador imparted to his government this more
decided intelligence: "The Pope will shortly grant the constitution. It is
his serious and constant study." M. Rossi earnestly recommended that there
should be no delay in adopting this important measure. It would, he
conceived, put an end to agitation,--a most desirable result, surely, when
it is considered how fatal to the cause of liberty and reform might any
day become the too frequent tumultuous assemblages which, once
constitutional government was established, would necessarily cease.

The Pope held the same idea as the eminent diplomatist. The great idea was
as yet, however, far from being realized. A new and most serious
difficulty unexpectedly arose. On the 5th of March, 1848, a courier
arrived, bearing the startling intelligence that the constitutional
monarchy of France had fallen, and that a Republic was established at
Paris. No greater misfortune could have befallen Rome. The public
excitement was increased beyond measure, and exaggerated hopes were
enkindled that could never be fulfilled. The people, at first enthusiastic
only, were now turbulent. The events in France exercised a still more
fatal influence. They caused anarchy to prevail. The extreme or Socialist
Republicans, whom the proclamation of the constitution would have
paralyzed, were now in the ascendant. What had been done at Paris, they
conceived, might be done at Rome. And they induced the inexperienced
multitude to share their conviction. Such belief was only an idle and a
culpable dream. For surely it could not be guiltless to resolve on
sacrificing thousands on thousands of precious lives for an Utopia,--a
system that could never be realized. Events have shown that in France
itself, which was entirely free to make whatever political arrangement it
pleased, a Republic was not possible, even such a Republic as was
established at the downfall of the citizen monarchy, in preference to the
Red Republic. How, then, should it be possible to build up at Rome an
extreme system in opposition to the views and wishes of the whole
Christian world,--in opposition even to the people of Rome themselves, who,
when free from undue excitement, were the loyal supporters of the
sovereign who had already introduced into the economy of the State so many
liberal institutions--in