hey were members.

The case of the government was really so good and clear, that for a
moment it seemed the opposition could hardly persist in their unusual
proceeding: but this was a night of misfortunes.

There had been for some time a smouldering feud between the secretary
and the Recorder of Dublin. The learned gentleman had seized the
occasion which the present state of parties afforded, and in the
course of the recent debate on the second reading of the Corn Bill, had
declared that the asserted famine in Ireland was, on the part of the
government, 'a great exaggeration.' The secretary had addressed himself
particularly to this observation in his speech on the 27th, the night
of the division, and had noticed it in a tone of acerbity. He had even
intimated that it might have been used by one who was a disappointed
solicitor for high office, and whom the government had declined to
assist in an unwarrantable arrangement of the duties and salary of
the judicial post he at present occupied. The learned Recorder, justly
indignant at this depreciating innuendo, resolved to make an opportunity
on the following Monday for his vindication and retort. He rose,
therefore, immediately after the skilful and winning appeal of the
secretary, and pronounced an invective against the right honourable
gentleman which was neither ill-conceived nor ill-delivered. It
revived the passions that for a moment seemed inclined to lull, and
the Protectionists, who on this occasion were going to support the
government, forgot the common point of union, while the secretary was
described as 'the evil genius of the cabinet.'

After this, it was impossible to arrest the course of debate. Mr.
O'Connell, who appeared to be in a state of great debility, made one
of those acute points for which he was distinguished. He said the
government complained of the threat held out by those who opposed the
bill, that they would avail themselves of the forms of the House to
give it every opposition in their power. But what did the government do
themselves? Why, they were trying to trample upon one of the sessional
orders and to abrogate the forms of the House in order to coerce the
Irish people. Lord George Bentinck said, that 'the chief minister had
told them, that this was a bill to put down murder and assassination; in
that case, if this bill were delayed, the blood of every man murdered
in Ireland was on the head of her Majesty's ministers.' Sir George Grey