millions out of this House, who look with
anxiety, with hope, and with expectation, to the result of this day's
debate.'

[Sidenote: OLD SARUM VERSUS MANCHESTER]

In the course of his argument, setting forth the need of Reform, he
alluded to the feelings of a foreigner, having heard of British wealth,
civilisation, and renown, coming to England to examine our institutions.
'Would not such a foreigner be much astonished if he were taken to a
green mound, and informed that it sent two members to the British
Parliament; if he were shown a stone wall, and told that it also sent
two members to the British Parliament; or, if he walked into a park,
without the vestige of a dwelling, and was told that it, too, sent two
members to the British Parliament? But if he were surprised at this, how
much more would he be astonished if he were carried into the North of
England, where he would see large flourishing towns, full of trade,
activity, and intelligence, vast magazines of wealth and manufactures,
and were told that these places sent no representatives to Parliament.
But his wonder would not end here; he would be astonished if he were
carried to such a place as Liverpool, and were there told that he might
see a specimen of a popular election, what would be the result? He would
see bribery employed in the most unblushing manner, he would see every
voter receiving a number of guineas in a box as the price of his
corruption; and after such a spectacle would he not be indeed surprised
that representatives so chosen could possibly perform the functions of
legislators, or enjoy respect in any degree?' In speaking of the reasons
for giving representatives to Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, and other
large towns, Lord John argued: 'Because Old Sarum sent members to
Parliament in the reign of Edward III., when it had a population to be
benefited by it, the Government on the same principle deprived that
forsaken place of the franchise in order to bestow the privilege where
the population was now found.'

Lord John explained that by the provisions of the bill sixty boroughs
with less than 2,000 inhabitants were to lose the franchise; forty-seven
boroughs, returning ninety-four members, were to lose one member each.
Of the seats thus placed at the disposal of the Government eight were to
be given to London, thirty-four to large towns, fifty-five to English
counties, five to Scotland, three to Ireland, and one to Wales. The
franchise w