te legislative independence. As the political
relationship between the two countries--a relation now of pure
force on one side, and of subjection on the other--is still a
matter of contention, it will not be out of place to devote a few
lines to a brief summary of his argument.

Before 1641 no law made in England was of force in Ireland
without the consent of the latter, a large number of English Acts
not being received in Ireland till they had been separately
enacted there also. At the so-called conquest of Ireland by Henry
II., the English laws settled by him were voluntarily accepted by
the Irish clergy and nobility, and Ireland was allowed the
freedom of holding parliaments as a separate and distinct kingdom
from England. So it was that John was made King (or Dominus) of
Ireland even in the lifetime of his father, Henry II., and
remained so during the reign of his brother, Richard I. Ireland,
therefore, could not be bound by England without the consent of
her own representatives; and the happiness of having her
representatives in the English Parliament could hardly be hoped
for, since that experiment had been proved in Cromwell's time to
be too troublesome and inconvenient.

Molyneux concluded his argument with a warning that subsequent
history has amply justified--"Advancing the power of the
Parliament of England by breaking the rights of another may in
time have ill effects." So, indeed, it has; but such warnings or
prophecies seldom bring favour to their authors, and the English
Parliament was moved to fury by Molyneux' arguments. Yet the
latter, writing to Locke on the subject of his book, had said: "I
think I have treated it with that caution and submission that it
cannot justly give any offence; insomuch that I scruple not to
put my name to it; and, by the advice of some good friends, have
presumed to dedicate it to his Majesty. . . . But till I either
see how the Parliament at Westminster is pleased to take it, or
till I see them risen, I do not think it advisable for me to go
on t'other side of the water. Though I am not apprehensive of any
mischief from them, yet God only knows what resentments captious
men may take on such occasions." (April 19th, 1698.)

Molyneux, however, was soon to know this himself, for on May 21st
his book was submitted to the examination of a committee; and on
the committee's report (June 22nd) that it was "of dangerous
consequence to the Crown and people of England, by denying