rds reproached with a compliance which it was foreseen
would be fruitless.
If the general disposition of the people be, as I hear it is, for an
immediate peace with Regicide, without so much as considering our public
and solemn engagements to the party in France whose cause we had
espoused, or the engagements expressed in our general alliances, not
only without an inquiry into the terms, but with a certain knowledge
that none but the worst terms will be offered, it is all over with us.
It is strange, but it may be true, that, as the danger from Jacobinism
is increased in my eyes and in yours, the fear of it is lessened in the
eyes of many people who formerly regarded it with horror. It seems, they
act under the impression of terrors of another sort, which have
frightened them out of their first apprehensions. But let their fears,
or their hopes, or their desires, be what they will, they should
recollect that they who would make peace without a previous knowledge of
the terms make a surrender. They are conquered. They do not treat; they
receive the law. Is this the disposition of the people of England? Then
the people of England are contented to seek in the kindness of a
foreign, systematic enemy, combined with a dangerous faction at home, a
security which they cannot find in their own patriotism and their own
courage. They are willing to trust to the sympathy of regicides the
guaranty of the British monarchy. They are content to rest their
religion on the piety of atheists by establishment. They are satisfied
to seek in the clemency of practised murderers the security of their
lives. They are pleased to confide their property to the safeguard of
those who are robbers by inclination, interest, habit, and system. If
this be our deliberate mind, truly we deserve to lose, what it is
impossible we should long retain, the name of a nation.
In matters of state, a constitutional competence to act is in many cases
the smallest part of the question. Without disputing (God forbid I
should dispute!) the sole competence of the king and the Parliament,
each in its province, to decide on war and peace, I venture to say no
war _can_ be long carried on against the will of the people. This war,
in particular, cannot be carried on, unless they are enthusiastically in
favor of it. Acquiescence will not do. There must be zeal. Universal
zeal in such a cause, and at such a time as this is, cannot be looked
for; neither is it necessary. Ze
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