which was becoming a little irksome, and the
competition of the open world.

It was not, however, the urging of these forces alone which made the
undecided feel that the annexation of the Philippines was bound to
come. The situation itself seemed to offer no other solution. Gradually
evidence as to the local conditions reached America. The Administration
was anxious for the commissioners to have the latest information, and,
as Admiral Dewey remained indispensable at Manila, General Merritt was
ordered to report at Paris, where he arrived on the 6th of October. He
was of the opinion that the Americans must remain in the Philippines,
and his reports were sustained by a cablegram from Dewey on the 14th
of October reading: "Spanish authority has been completely destroyed in
Luzon, and general anarchy prevails without the limits of the city and
Bay of Manila. Strongly probable that islands to the south will fall
into the same state soon." The history of the previous few years and
existing conditions made it highly improbable that Spanish domination
could ever be restored. The withdrawal of the United States would
therefore not mean the reestablishment of Spanish rule but no government
at all.

As to the regime which would result from our withdrawal, Admiral Dewey
judged from the condition of those areas where Spanish authority had
already ceased and that of the Americans had not yet been established.
"Distressing reports," he cabled, "have been received of inhuman cruelty
practised on religious and civil authorities in other parts of these
islands. The natives appear unable to govern." It was highly probable,
in fact, that if the United States did not take the islands, Spain would
sell her vanishing equity in the property to some other power which
possessed the equipment necessary to conquer the Philippines. To many
this eventuality did not seem objectionable, as is indicated by the
remark, already quoted, of an American official to certain Germans: "We
don't want the Philippines; why don't you take them?" That this attitude
was foolishly Quixotic is obvious, but more effective in the molding of
public opinion was the feeling that it was cowardly.

In such a changing condition of public sentiment, McKinley was a better
index of what the majority wanted than a referendum could have been. In
August he stated: "I do not want any ambiguity to be allowed to remain
on this point. The negotiators of both countries are the ones wh