these claims from Venezuela.
A joint squadron undertook a "pacific blockade" of the coast. Secretary
Hay denied that a "pacific blockade" existed in international law and
urged that the matter be submitted to arbitration. Great Britain
and Italy were willing to come to an understanding and withdrew;
but Germany, probably intent on ulterior objects, was unwilling and
preferred to take temporary possession of certain ports. President
Roosevelt then summoned the German Ambassador, Dr. Holleben, and told
him that, unless Germany consented to arbitrate, Admiral Dewey would be
ordered at noon ten days later to proceed to Venezuela and protect its
coast. A week passed with no message. Holleben called on the President
but rose to go without mentioning Venezuela. President Roosevelt
thereupon informed the Ambassador that he had changed his mind and had
decided to send Admiral Dewey one day earlier than originally planned;
he further explained that in the event the Kaiser should decide to
arbitrate, as not a word had been put on paper, there would be nothing
to indicate coercion. Within thirty-six hours Holleben reported that
Germany would arbitrate. Only once before, when Seward was dealing with
Napoleon III concerning Mexico, had forcible persuasion been used to
maintain the Monroe Doctrine.

It was perfectly clear that if the United States sat idly by and allowed
European powers to do what they would to collect their Latin American
debts, the Monroe Doctrine would soon become a dead letter. It was not,
however, so plain how American interference could be justified. The
problem was obviously a difficult one and did not concern the United
States alone. Latin America was even more vitally concerned with it, and
her statesmen, always lucid exponents of international law, were active
in devising remedies. Carlos Calvo of Argentina advanced the doctrine
that "the collection of pecuniary claims made by the citizens of one
country against the government of another country should never be made
by force." Senior Drago, Minister of Foreign Affairs in the same country
in 1902, urged upon the United States a modification of the same view by
asserting that "the public debt cannot occasion armed intervention."

President Roosevelt handled the matter in his messages of 1903 and 1904.
"That our rights and interests are deeply concerned in the maintenance
of the [Monroe] Doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument. This
is especially true