lost Northern Persia, and Russian influence is fast
advancing in Southern Persia. This is surely the time to pull up and
change our tactics, or we shall go to the wall altogether.

As Mr. Joseph Walton, M.P., very ably put it before the House of Commons
on January 22nd, 1902, in the case of Russia we have at present to
contend with abnormal conditions of competition. It would therefore be
wise for the British Government to reconsider its policy in order to
maintain, at least, our commercial interests in Southern Persia. The
Government of India, too, should take its share in upholding British
interests--being directly concerned in affairs that regard the welfare
of Persia. Russia has gone to great expense to construct two excellent
roads from the north into Persia to facilitate Russian commerce, and it
would be advisable if we were to do the same from the south. (One of the
roads, the Piri Bazaar--Kasvin Road, is said to have cost, including
purchase of the Kasvin Teheran section, something like half a million
sterling). It is indeed idle, as Mr. Walton said, to adhere to methods of
the past when foreign Governments are adopting modern methods in order to
achieve the commercial conquest of new regions.

The matter of establishing Consulates, too, is of the greatest
importance. We find even large trading cities like Kermanshah, Yezd,
Shiraz and Birjand devoid of British Consuls. Undoubtedly we should wish
a priority of right to construct roads and railways in Southern
Persia--in the event of the Persians failing to construct these
themselves--to be recognised, and it seems quite sensible and fair to let
Persia give a similar advantage to Russia in Northern Persia. Nothing but
a friendly understanding between England and Russia, which should clearly
define the respective spheres of influence, will save the integrity of
Persia. That country should remain an independent buffer state between
Russia and India. But to bring about this result it is more than
necessary that we should support Persia on our side, as much as Russia
does on hers, or the balance is bound to go in the latter's favour.

The understanding with Russia should also--and I firmly believe Russia
would be only too anxious to acquiesce in this--provide a protection
against German commercial invasion and enterprise in the region of the
Persian Gulf. Germany--not Russia--is England's bitterest enemy--all the
more to be dreaded because she is a "friendly enemy."