moral right to independence and freedom instead of being strengthened
was somehow mysteriously weakened. The theory is monstrous, but if he
does not mean that he means nothing.

Further, he says that in 1870 Gladstone could not depend on the treaty
of 1839 and resorted to a special temporary treaty not now in force, and
that, therefore, technically the validity of the 1839 treaty is
extremely doubtful. This twisting of facts throws a really sinister
light upon the later developments of Mr. Shaw as a controversialist. The
treaty of 1870 was, indeed, temporary, except in so far as it confirmed
the treaty of 1839. Article 3 of the treaty of 1870 says it shall be
binding on the contracting parties during the continuance of the war and
for twelve months after, and then proceeds "and on the expiration of
that time the independence and neutrality of Belgium will, so far as the
high contracting parties are respectively concerned, continue to rest as
heretofore on the quintuple treaty of 1839," (textual.)

Mr. Shaw's manifesto is lengthy and it will no doubt be reprinted in
book form. I repeat what I said in my first paragraph as to the major
part of it, but I assert that the objectionable part of the manifesto is
so objectionable in its flippancy, in its perversity, in its injustice,
and in its downright inexactitude as to amount to a scandal. Mr. Shaw
has failed to realize either his own importance or the importance and
very grave solemnity of the occasion. The present is no hour for that
disingenuous, dialectical bravura which might excusably relieve a
domestic altercation. Before reprinting Mr. Shaw should, I suggest;
seriously reconsider his position and rewrite.

*"Bennett States the German Case"*

By George Bernard Shaw.

Letter to The Daily News of London.

_To The Daily News, Sir:_

In justice to the enemy I am bound to admit that Mr. Bennett's case,
which is the German case, is a very strong one and that his ironic
comment on the case against Germany, "We have here an example of Mr.
Shaw's aptitude for practical politics," is a comment that the Kaiser
will probably make and that the average "practical man" will make, too.

Mr. Bennett, in saying that I am a simpleton to doubt that, if Germany
had not attacked France, France would have attacked her, shows a much
greater courage than he credits me with. That is Germany's contention,
and if valid is her justification for dashing at any enemy who, as Mr.