e figure in the
constitutional convention of the United States of America.

[Note 95: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 565.]

As between the two theories of government which divided that body,
Franklin ranged himself with the party opposed to a strong and
centralized government endowed with many functions and much power.[96]
The simplest government seemed to him the best; and he substantially
gave in his allegiance to those democratic ideas which afterward
constituted the doctrines of the Jeffersonian school in American
politics. It was natural that he should do so; he was a cheerful
optimist all his life long, and few men have ever so trusted human kind
as he did; so now he believed that the people could take care of
themselves, as indeed the history of the past few years and the
character of the population of the States at that time indicated that
they could. He attended regularly all the sessions, and gave his
opinions freely; but they are only dimly revealed in the half-light
which enfolds in such lamentable obscurity the debates of that
interesting body. What little is known can be briefly stated.

[Note 96: But later he remarked: "Though there is a general dread of
giving too much power to our _governors_, I think we are more in danger
from too little obedience in the _governed_."]

The same theory which he was practicing concerning his own salary he
wished to see introduced as an article of the Constitution. The
President, he thought, should receive no salary. Honor was enough
reward; a place which gave both honor and profit offered too corrupting
a temptation, and instead of remaining a source of generous aspiration
to "the wise and moderate, the lovers of peace and good order, the men
fittest for the trust," it would be scrambled for by "the bold and the
violent, the men oL strong passions and indefatigable activity in their
selfish pursuits."[97] In our day such a notion and such arguments would
be quickly sneered out of the debate; but they were in keeping with the
spirit of that era when the first generation which for ages had dared to
contemplate popular government was carried away by the earliest romantic
fervor of inexperienced speculation.

[Note 97: Franklin's _Works_, ix. 418. See also letter to Bishop of
St. Asaph, _Ibid._ viii. 270.]

It is familiar that the gravest question which perplexed the convention
was whether the larger and the smaller States should stand upon terms of
equality, or whe