e was a regular system for the
admission of new members to the borough "franchise," which was at first
regarded not as conferring any form of suffrage but as a means to secure
a privileged position in the borough court and in the trade of the
borough. Admission could be obtained by inheritance, by purchase or
gift, in some places by marriage, and in London, at least from 1275, by
a municipal register of apprenticeship. The new freeman in return for
his privileges was bound to share with the other burgesses all the
burdens of taxation, control, &c., which fell upon burgesses. Personal
service was not always necessary, and in some towns there were many
non-resident burgesses. When in later times admission to this freedom
came to be used as means to secure the parliamentary franchise, the
freedom of the borough was freely sold and given. The elections in which
the commons of the boroughs first took interest were those of the
borough magistrates. Where the commons succeeded for a time in asserting
their right to take part in borough elections they were rarely able to
keep it, not in all cases perhaps because their power was feared, but
sometimes because of the riotous proceedings which ensued. These led to
government interference, which no party in the borough desired. The
possibility of a forfeiture of their enfranchised position made the
burgesses on the whole fairly submissive. In the 13th century London
repeatedly was "taken into the king's hand," subjected to heavy fines
and put under the constable of the Tower. In the 15th century
disturbances in the boroughs led to the issue of new constitutions, some
of which were the outcome of royal charters, others the result of
parliamentary legislation. The development of the law of corporations
also at this time compelled the boroughs to seek new charters which
should satisfy the now exacting demands of the law. The charters of
incorporation were issued at a time when the state was looking more and
more to the borough authorities as part of its executive and judicial
staff, and thus the government was closely interested in the manner of
their selection. The new charters were drafted in such a way as to
narrow the popular control. The corporations were placed under a council
and in a number of cases popular control was excluded altogether, the
whole system being made one of co-optation. The absence of popular
protest may be ascribed in part to the fact that the old popular contro