reason for resisting the addition of a hundred
Irish members to the British House of Commons in the probability that
they would, as a general rule, be subservient to the minister. He
instanced "the uniform support which the members for Scotland had given
to every act of ministers," and saw in that example "reason to apprehend
that the Irish members would become a no less regular band of
ministerial adherents." It would be superfluous to point out how
entirely contrary the result has been to the prediction.

It is, however, beside the purpose of this work to dwell on the
arguments by which the minister supported his proposal, or on those with
which the Opposition resisted it, whether apparently founded on
practical considerations, such as those brought forward by Mr. Grey, or
those of a more sentimental character, which rested on the loss of
national "dignity and honor," which, it was assumed, would be the
consequence of the measure. It seems desirable rather to explain the
principal conditions on which the Union was to be effected, as Pitt
explained it to the House of Commons in April, 1800. In the preceding
year he had confined himself to moving a series of resolutions in favor
of the principle, which, though they were adopted by both Houses in
England, he did not at that time endeavor to carry farther, since in the
Irish House of Commons the utmost exertions of the government could only
prevail by a single vote;[142] and he naturally thought such a majority
far too slender to justify his relying on it so far as to proceed
farther with a measure of such vast importance. But, during the recess,
he had introduced some modifications into his original draft of the
measure, which, though slight, were sufficient to conciliate much
additional support; and the consequence was, that in February of this
year both the Irish Houses accepted it by sufficient majorities;[143]
and, therefore, he now felt able to lay the details of the measure
before the English Parliament. To take them in the order in which he
enumerated them, that which had appeared to the Irish Parliament "the
first and most important, was the share which the Irish constituencies
ought to have in the representation of the House of Commons." On this
point, "the Parliament of Ireland was of opinion that the number of
representatives for Ireland ought to be one hundred." And he was not
disposed to differ from the conclusion to which it had come. He regarded
it, indee