tion
has deprived the majority of the power to mold the policy of the
government through voluntary political associations, it has defeated the
main purpose for which the party should exist.

The fact that under the American form of government the party can not be
held accountable for failure to carry out its ante-election pledges has
had the natural and inevitable result. When, as in England, the party
which carries the election obtains complete and undisputed control of
the government, the sense of responsibility is ever present in those who
direct it. If in the event of its success it is certain to be called
upon to carry out its promises, it can not afford for the sake of
obtaining votes to make promises which it has no intention of keeping.
But when the party, even though successful at the polls may lack the
power to enforce its policy, it can not be controlled by a sense of
direct responsibility to the people. Promises may be recklessly and
extravagantly made merely for the sake of getting votes. The party
platform from the point of view of the party managers ceases to be a
serious declaration of political principles. It comes to be regarded as
a means of winning elections rather than a statement of what the party
is obligated to accomplish.

The influence thus exerted by the Constitution upon our party system,
though generally overlooked by students and critics of American
politics, has had profound and far-reaching results. That the conduct of
individuals is determined largely by the conditions under which they
live is as well established as any axiom of political science. This must
be borne in mind if we would fully understand the prevailing apathy--the
seeming indifference to corruption and ring rule which has so long
characterized a large class of intelligent and well-meaning American
citizens. To ascribe the evils of our party system to their lack of
interest in public questions and their selfish disregard of civic
duties, is to ignore an important phase of the problem--the influence of
the system itself. In the long run an active general interest can be
maintained only in those institutions from which the people derive some
real or fancied benefit. This benefit in the case of the political party
can come about only through the control which it enables those who
compose it to exercise over the government. And where, as under the
American system, control of the party does not ensure control of the
government