dorsed even these planks which were common to both
platforms.
Moreover the party does not always state its position in a clear and
unequivocal manner. The Democratic platform while opposing Republican
expansion did so with some important reservation. While denouncing the
recent expansion policy of the Republican party it made a bid for the
support of those who believed in a moderate and conservative expansion
policy. The same is true of its attitude on protection. It did not
condemn the principle of protection, but merely the abuse of the system
through which monopolies and trusts had been fostered. The vague and
ambiguous manner in which the party defines its attitude, together with
the highly composite character of its platform, largely defeats the end
for which it should be framed. As a means of arriving at a definite and
authoritative expression of public opinion concerning the political
questions of the day it is far from satisfactory. It is conceivable that
a party may under this system carry an election and yet not a single
principle for which it professes to stand would, if separately
submitted, command the approval of a majority of the voters.
The threefold purpose for which the party exists--(1) popular choice of
candidates, (2) a clear and definite expression of public opinion
concerning the questions with which the government must deal, and (3)
the responsibility of the government to the popular majority are all
largely defeated under the American system. The last named end of the
party is defeated by the Constitution itself, and this, as hereinbefore
shown, has operated to defeat the others as well.
We thus see that true party government is impossible under a
constitutional system which has as its chief end the limitation of the
power of the majority. Where the party which has carried the election is
powerless to enforce its policy, as is generally the case in this
country, there can be no responsible party government. The only branch
of our governmental system which responds readily to changes in public
opinion is the House of Representatives. But this is and was designed to
be a subordinate body, having a voice in shaping only a part of the
policy of the government, and even in this limited field being unable to
act except with the concurrence of the President, Senate and Supreme
Court. A change in public sentiment is not likely under these
circumstances to be followed by a corresponding change in th
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