the state government, would jeopardize the interests of the
property-holding minority.

This is doubtless one of the chief reasons why the state government has
not been willing to relinquish its control over municipal affairs. This
fact is not recognized, however, by present-day writers on American
politics. It is generally assumed that the corruption in state and
municipal government is largely due to the ascendency of the masses.
This view of the matter may be acceptable to those who from principle or
interest are opposed to democracy, but it ignores the facts which a
careful analysis of the system discloses. Even in our state governments
the changes that have been made as a concession to the newer democratic
thought are less important than is generally supposed. The removal of
property qualifications for voting and office-holding was a concession
in form rather than in substance. It occurred at a time when there was
an apparently inexhaustible supply of free land which made it possible
for every one to become a landowner. Under such circumstances universal
suffrage was not a radical or dangerous innovation. In fact, property
qualifications for voting and office-holding were not necessary to the
political ascendency of property owners in a community where the great
majority of the citizens were or could become members of the
property-owning class. It is not likely that property qualifications
would have been removed for state purposes without a more serious
struggle, if the wide diffusion of property in the state at large had
not appeared to be an ample guarantee that the interests of property
owners would not be endangered by universal suffrage. It was probably
not intended that the abolition of property qualifications should
overthrow the influence of property owners, or make any radical change
in the policy of the state government.

It is easily seen that the removal of property qualifications for
voting and office-holding has had the effect of retarding the movement
toward municipal home rule. Before universal suffrage was established
the property-owning class was in control of both state and city
government. This made state interference in local affairs unnecessary
for the protection of property. But with the introduction of universal
suffrage the conservative element which dominated the state government
naturally favored a policy of state interference as the only means of
protecting the property-owning class in