try, and I have no doubt that these warnings would
be heeded.
President Taft advised Americans to leave Mexico when insurrection
broke out there, and President Wilson has repeated the advice. This
advice, in my judgment, was eminently wise, and I think the same
course should be followed in regard to warning Americans to keep off
vessels subject to attack.
I think, too, that American passenger ships should be prohibited from
carrying ammunition. The lives of passengers ought not to be
endangered by cargoes of ammunition, whether that danger comes from
possible explosions within or from possible attacks from without.
Passengers and ammunition should not travel together. The attempt to
prevent American citizens from incurring these risks is entirely
consistent with the effort which our Government is making to prevent
attacks from submarines.
The use of one remedy does not exclude the use of the other. The most
familiar illustration is to be found in the action taken by municipal
authorities during a riot. It is the duty of the Mayor to suppress the
mob and to prevent violence, but he does not hesitate to warn citizens
to keep off the streets during the riots. He does not question their
right to use the streets, but for their own protection and in the
interest of order he warns them not to incur the risks involved in
going upon the streets when men are shooting at each other.
The President does not feel justified in taking the action above
stated. That is, he does not feel justified, first, in suggesting the
submission of the controversy to investigation, or, second, in warning
the people not to incur the extra hazards in traveling on belligerent
ships or on ships carrying ammunition. And he may be right in the
position he has taken, but, as a private citizen, I am free to urge
both of these propositions and to call public attention to these
remedies, in the hope of securing such an expression of public
sentiment as will support the President in employing these remedies
if in the future he finds it consistent with his sense of duty to
favor them.
W.J. BRYAN.
"THE REAL ISSUE."
Washington, June 10, 1915.
To the American people:
You now have before you the text of the note to Germany--the note
which it would have been my official duty to sign had I remained
Secretary of State. I ask you to sit in judgment upon my decision to
resign rather than to share responsibility for it.
I am sure you will credit
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