ief of Crawford that if a man changed politics
after thirty he was a rascal."

In Marietta Mr. Toombs addressed an enthusiastic crowd. A journalist
said of him: "He is my _beau ideal_ of a statesman. Frank, honest, bold,
and eloquent, he never fails to make a deep impression. Many of the
fire-eaters (for they _will_ go to hear him) looked as if they would
make their escape from his withering and scathing rebuke." Toombs
derided the States' Rights men for declaring that they were friends of
the Union under which they declared they were "degraded and oppressed."
The greatest stumbling-block to Toombs' triumphant tour was to be
presented with bits of his own speeches delivered during the excitement
of the last Congress.

He had said in one of these impassioned outbursts: "He who counts the
danger of defending his own home is already degraded. The people who
count the cost of maintaining their political rights are ready for
slavery."

In Lexington he was accused of having said that if the people understood
this slavery question as well as he did "they would not remain in the
Union five minutes." This provoked a bitter controversy. Mr. Toombs
denied the remark, and declared he was willing to respond personally and
publicly to the author.

As the campaign became more heated, Toombs, Stephens, and Cobb redoubled
their efforts and drew their lines more closely. This combination was
invincible. It was evident that they would carry the State, but some of
the prominent men in Georgia were ruled out under what was thought to be
the bitter spirit of the canvass. One of these was Charles J. Jenkins,
and the other, John McPherson Berrien. The former had drawn the
celebrated Georgia Platform, and was devoted to the Union. The latter
was United States Senator from Georgia, and, as his successor was to be
chosen by the legislature soon to be elected, there was much curiosity
to find out his real position in this canvass. Mr. Jenkins declared that
he considered Mr. Berrien "as good a Union man and as safe a
representative of the party as any within its ranks." Berrien acquiesced
in but did not eulogize the compromise measures. He did not oppose or
favor the State convention of 1850. When he submitted to the Senate the
Georgia Platform, he declared that he did not surrender the privileges
of a free choice. He supported McDonald for Governor against Cobb, and
it was soon evident that he was not in full sympathy with the winning
party.