s against al Qaeda in Iraq when
the opportunity arises, as well as for other missions considered vital
by the U.S. commander in Iraq.

The performance of the Iraqi Army could also be significantly improved
if it had improved equipment. One source could be equipment left
behind by departing U.S. units. The quickest and most effective way
for the Iraqi Army to get the bulk of their equipment would be through
our Foreign Military Sales program, which they have already begun to
use.

While these efforts are building up, and as additional Iraqi brigades
are being deployed, U.S. combat brigades could begin to move out of
Iraq. By the first quarter of 2008, subject to unexpected developments
in the security situation on the ground, all combat brigades not
necessary for force protection could be out of Iraq. At that time,
U.S. combat forces in Iraq could be deployed only in units embedded
with Iraqi forces, in rapid-reaction and special operations teams, and
in training, equipping, advising, force protection, and search and
rescue. Intelligence and support efforts would continue. Even after
the United States has moved all combat brigades out of Iraq, we would
maintain a considerable military presence in the region, with our
still significant force in Iraq and with our powerful air, ground, and
naval deployments in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar, as well as an
increased presence in Afghanistan. These forces would be sufficiently
robust to permit the United States, working with the Iraqi government,
to accomplish four missions:

--Provide political reassurance to the Iraqi government in order to
avoid its collapse and the disintegration of the country.

--Fight al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations in Iraq using
special operations teams.

--Train, equip, and support the Iraqi security forces.

--Deter even more destructive interference in Iraq by Syria and Iran.

Because of the importance of Iraq to our regional security goals and
to our ongoing fight against al Qaeda, we considered proposals to make
a substantial increase (100,000 to 200,000) in the number of U.S.
troops in Iraq. We rejected this course because we do not believe that
the needed levels are available for a sustained deployment. Further,
adding more American troops could conceivably worsen those aspects of
the security problem that are fed by the view that the U.S. presence
is intended to be a long-term "occupation." We could, however, support
a short-t