ittle interest. A few
newspapers which were thought to be visionary occasionally discussed
it, but the press of both parties smiled with profound indifference.
Mr. Jenckes had pressed it upon an utterly listless Congress, and his
proposition was regarded as the harmless hobby of an amiable man, from
which a little knowledge of practical politics would soon dismount him.
The English reform, which was by far the most significant political
event in that country since the parliamentary reform bill of 1832,
was virtually unknown to us. To the general public it was necessary
to explain what the Civil Service was, how it was recruited, what the
abuses were, and how and why they were to be remedied. Old professional
politicians, who look upon reform as Dr. Johnson defined patriotism, as
the last refuge of a scoundrel, either laughed at what they called the
politics of idiocy and the moon, or sneered bitterly that reformers were
cheap hypocrites who wanted other people's places and lamented other
people's sins.

This general public indifference was not surprising. The great reaction
of feeling which followed the war, the relaxation of the long-strained
anxiety of the nation for its own existence, the exhaustion of the vast
expenditure of life and money, and the satisfaction with the general
success, had left little disposition to do anything but secure in the
national polity the legitimate results of the great contest. To the
country, reform was a proposition to reform evils of administration
of which it knew little, and which, at most, seemed to it petty
and impertinent in the midst of great affairs. To Congress, it was
apparently a proposal to deprive members of the patronage which to many
of them was the real gratification of their position, the only way in
which they felt their distinction and power. To such members reform was
a plot to deprive the bear of his honey, the dog of his bone, and they
stared and growled incredulously.

This was a dozen years ago. To-day the demand for reform is imperative.
The drop has become a deluge. Leading journals of both parties eagerly
proclaim its urgent necessity. From New England to California public
opinion is organizing itself in reform associations. In the great
custom-house and the great post-office of the country--those in the city
of New York--reform has been actually begun upon definite principles
and with remarkable success, and the good example has been followed
elsewhere wit