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ternalism, or even for decent fraternalism, among those who have to compete? Socialism aims to produce an environment where not only the Golden Rule but the Law of Love will have a living chance. As such an agent it has its proper political place in the development of mankind. REVOLUTIONARY MEASURES AND NEGLECTED CRIMES. PART II. BY PROF. JOSEPH RODES BUCHANAN. If we agree that all men are born free and equal, with certain inalienable rights,--life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,--let us legislate to enforce our belief. All men are _not_ born equal, if one is born with power to live without toil; power to control the movements of a hundred thousand of his _unequal_ fellow-citizens; power to bribe legislatures; power to hire a pretorian guard of laborers, writers, editors, clergymen, and even soldiers or police to do his bidding and to sing his praise, and to threaten those who wish to establish a real republic. It was thought we had abolished hereditary inequality; but in a land where our democratic lords can each hire fifty thousand men and equip an army if need be,--where a democratic American lord can buy a dozen of the puny lords of Europe,--the social equality dreamed of in '76 does not exist. We have abolished the useless title but not the lord. We should not object to that inequality which is natural--to the superior ability and superior virtue which place one man far above his fellows; but we should object to an immense inequality, _which is not natural_, and which sometimes places the superior man at the mercy and in the service of one who has no ability whatever,--who is simply born to rule by means of _hereditary wealth_. This is just as great a social inequality as that which Jefferson saw in Europe, and which he thought was to be excluded from America. It is a condition that is demoralizing in a hundred ways, and is fraught with peril to the republic, peril to society, and peril to all the interests of humanity; and therefore as I would assert,--and _who would deny_ the supreme right and power of the people to protect the republic from any impending calamity by any just means, _but not by any unjust means_--I would claim that it is our right and duty to say that this grand hereditary inequality shall not be perpetual, and that _the past shall not rule the present--the graveyard shall not contain our legislature_,--but that each generation shall be a law unto itself, and shall
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