f them had acquired high rank. Others, again, had
entered the Government service, and dozens had been sent to the
National Assembly by Bulgarian constituencies. And several, among
them Ghenadieff, had become ministers in the cabinet.
To a still greater extent Macedonians have poured into Serbia.
During the past hundred years, ever since the pashalic of Belgrade
became free from the Turks, thousands of Macedonians have come up
into Serbia for education and a life. They entered the army,
Parliament, and every department of state, in large numbers, they
became educationalists and swelled the ranks of commerce. Among the
members of the Serb Cabinet during this war born in Macedonia are:
the Prime Minister Nikola Pashich, from Tetovo; Dr. Lazar Patchou,
Minister of Finance, from Monastir; Nicola Stefanovich, Cabinet
Minister at the war's outbreak, from Navrovo; Kosta Stoyanovich,
former Minister of Commerce, from Monastir; General Dimitriye
Tzintzar-Markovich, from Ochrida; General Lazar Lazarevich, from
Moskopolye, Monastir; former Prime Minister Milan Christich, the
Serb Minister Plenipotentiary in Rome; Michael Ristich; former Prime
Minister Dr. Vladam Georgevich; Svetolick Popovich, from Uskub;
Under-Secretary of State for Public Works, Petar Popovich, from
Prilep; Head of Public Works, Professor Lazarevich, from Ghevgheli;
Professor Alexich, from Kumanovo; General Lazar Petrovich, from
Bashino Selo; Veles, and many others. The names of the distinguished
and prominent Macedonians in army, state, and education services,
and those in trade and other useful occupations in Serbia fill a
considerable space in the Post Office Directory.
The ambition of the Coburg King Ferdinand, since his coming to
Bulgaria, has steadily aimed at the conquest and annexation of
neighboring countries with the view of forming for himself an
extended state. In this idea Bulgaria has been developed by him on
lines _de facto_ tending toward creating rather a feudal domain than
a free, modern constitutional state. He encouraged a large number of
political parties which could be easily played one against another,
duplicating somewhat the Hapsburg principle as applied in the
Austrian system of counterbalancing the various nationalities; the
educational system was not developed to the extent nor along lines
to produce a truly free and powerful people evidenced by the large
number of young men and women students finding it necessary to go
for higher
|