ence
of colonial institutions; and that, if it were otherwise, the colony
would fly off, by the operation of some latent principle of mischief,
which I have never seen very clearly defined. By those who entertain
this view, it is assumed that Great Britain is indebted for the
preservation of her colonies, not to the natural affection of their
inhabitants--to {59} their pride in her history, to their participation
in the benefit of her warlike, scientific, or literary achievements--but
to the disinterested patriotism of a dozen or two of persons, whose names
are scarcely known in England, except by the clerks in Downing Street;
who are remarkable for nothing above their neighbours in the colony,
except perhaps the enjoyment of offices too richly endowed; or their
zealous efforts to annoy, by the distribution of patronage and the
management of public affairs, the great body of the inhabitants, whose
sentiments they cannot change.'[2]

He applies Lord John's reasoning to the British towns of London or
Glasgow or Aberdeen, and shows what absurd results it would produce. He
admits fully that Nova Scotia cannot be independent, and that there are
limits beyond which, were her responsible Executive mad enough to pass
them, the governor might rightly interpose his veto. But he shows in
what a fiasco any such situation would necessarily end. The powers which
he leaves to the British government would now, indeed, be thought
excessive.

'From what has been already written, it {60} will be seen that I leave to
the Sovereign and to the Imperial Parliament the uncontrolled authority
over the military and naval force distributed over the colonies; that I
carefully abstain from trenching upon their right to bind the whole
empire by treaties and other diplomatic arrangements with foreign states;
or to regulate the trade of the colonies with the mother country and with
each other. I yield to them also the same right of interference which
they now exercise over colonies and over English incorporated towns;
whenever a desperate case of factious usage of the powers confided, or
some reason of state, affecting the preservation of peace and order, call
for that interference.'[3]

But he pleads eloquently that the loyalty of Nova Scotia need not be
maintained by sending over to govern her a well-intentioned military man,
gallant and gouty, with little knowledge of her history or her civil
institutions, with a tendency to fall under the