rnment and the distribution of its prizes, our British brethren on
the other side as carefully {102} exclude us. The president of the
United States is the son of a schoolmaster. There are more than one
thousand schoolmasters teaching the rising youth of Nova Scotia with
the depressing conviction upon their minds that no very elevated walks
of ambition are open either to their pupils or their own
children. . . . Suppose that, having done my best to draw attention to
the claims of those I have the honour to represent, I return to them
without hope; how long will high-spirited men endure a position in
which their loyalty subjects their mines to monopoly, their fisheries
to unnatural competition, and in which cold indifference to public
improvement or national security is the only response they meet when
they make to the Imperial authorities a proposition calculated to keep
alive their national enthusiasm, while developing their internal
resources?'[2] There is a balance of power in Europe which British
diplomacy labours incessantly to maintain. Each possible transfer of a
few acres of ground by some petty German princeling is carefully
studied by the Foreign Office. Is the creation of a power in North
America to balance the United States to be forever considered of no
{103} importance? Nova Scotia especially, whose praises he sings with
lusty eloquence, has been unfairly treated. As the result of a
rebellion which cost the mother country millions, Canada had been
granted a large loan. Nova Scotia had kept loyal; had put every man
and every dollar in the province at the service of her sister province
of New Brunswick, when trouble with the United States over the boundary
seemed near. Yet she had received no loan; instead, she had been
burdened by the grant to an English company of the monopoly of her coal
areas.

Then he turns to the subject of emigration, at the time much in the
public eye, and shows how superior is British North America to
Australia, then highly spoken of. He paints vividly the heart-rending
poverty of the British lower classes, and the fertility of the acres
waiting to receive them.

'Whence come Chartism, Socialism, O'Connor land-schemes, and all sorts
of theoretic dangers to property, and prescriptions of new modes by
which it may be acquired? From this condition of real estate. The
great mass of the people in these three kingdoms own no part of the
soil, have no bit of land, however sma