uccessor. In these clauses the nation had now obtained a comparatively
clear definition of the right on which their future political power was to
be based."--STUBBS, _Constitutional History_.

[15] "Ut quod omnes similiter tangit ab omnibus approbetur."

[16] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_.

[17] Stubbs, _Ibid_.

[18] "Analogous examples may be taken from the practice of the
ecclesiastical assemblies, in which the representative theory is introduced
shortly before it finds its way into parliament."--STUBBS, _Constitutional
History_.

[19] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_.

[20] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_.

[21] F. York Powell, _England to 1509_.

[22] Sir Courtenay Ilbert, _Parliament_.

[23] Ilbert, _Parliament_.

[24] Bagehot, _The English Constitution_.

[25] Bagehot, _Ibid_.

[26] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_.

[27] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_.

[28] Andrew Marvell, the poet, who sat for Hull in the reign of Charles
II., was paid by the mayor and aldermen of the borough. In return Marvell
wrote letters describing passing events in London. There are stray cases of
the payment of members in the early years of the eighteenth century. Four
shillings a day, including the journey to and from London, for the knight
of the shire, and two shillings a day for the borough member were the wages
fixed by law in 1323.

[29] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_.

[30] Bagehot, _The English Constitution_.

[31] _See_ Stopes' _British Freewomen_ for a full examination of this
matter.

[32] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_.

[33] For the last fifty years the political influence of London has been
less than that of the manufacturing districts.

[34] "The project was clearly to set up a new order of things founded on
social equality--a theory which in the whole history of the Middle Ages
appears for the first time in connection with this movement."--DR.
GAIRDNER, _Introduction to Paston Letters_.

[35] Four centuries later and this doctrine of all men having been born
free at the beginning was to be preached again in popular fashion by
Rousseau and find expression in American Independence and the French
Revolution.

[36] Froissart seems to be chiefly responsible for the notion, found in the
writings of later historians, that this John Tyler was the leader of the
revolt, and for the confusion that mistakenly identifies him with Wat
Tyler, of Maidstone, the real leader. Three other Tylers are men