but in
Mr. Gladstone's scheme the whole Irish revenue was pledged as collateral
security, and the Irish Government was interposed between the ultimate
creditor and the Irish tenant, while under Lord Ashbourne's Act the
English Government figures without disguise as the landlord of each
tenant, exacting a debt which the tenant is unwilling to pay as being
due to what he calls an alien Government.

An endeavour has been made in the preceding pages to prove that Home
Rule in no respect infringes on Imperial rights or Imperial unity, for
the simple reason that the Imperial power remains exactly in the same
position as it was before, the Home Rule Bill dealing only with Local
matters. At all events, Burke thought that the Imperial supremacy alone
constituted a real union between England and Ireland. He says--

"My poor opinion is, that the closest connection between Great Britain
and Ireland is essential to the well-being--I had almost said to the
very being--of the three kingdoms; for that purpose I humbly conceive
that the whole of the superior, and what I should call Imperial
politics, ought to have its residence here, and that Ireland, locally,
civilly, and commercially independent, ought politically to look up to
Great Britain in all matters of peace and war. In all these points to be
joined with her, and, in a word, with her to live and to die."[13]

How strange to Burke would have seemed the doctrine that the restoration
of a limited power of self-government to Ireland, excluding commerce,
and excluding all matters not only Imperial, but those in which
uniformity is required, should be denounced as a disruption of the
Empire!

It remains to notice one other charge made against the Gladstonian Home
Rule Bill, namely, that of impairing the supremacy of the British
Parliament. That allegation has been shown also to be founded on a
mistake. Next, it is said that the Gladstonian scheme does not provide
securities against executive and legislative oppression. The answer is
complete. The executive authority being vested in the Queen, it will be
the duty of the Governor not to allow executive oppression; still more
will it be his duty to veto any act of legislative oppression. Further,
it is stated that difficulties will arise with respect to the power of
the Privy Council to nullify unconstitutional Acts. But it is hard to
see why a power which is exercised with success in the United States,
where all the States are equ