ion. He saw Mr.
Manners on the extreme left.

Every man sat without moving, simply listening, it seemed, with an
extraordinary attention; some leaning forward, some back, with the
papers disregarded on the table. A couple of recording machines
stood now in the centre. Then he began to catch the words. . . .

"I think, gentlemen," said the voice from behind the high-backed
chair, "that I need say no more. We have discussed at length, and
I hope to your satisfaction, the particular points on which you
desired information: and my answers have brought out, I think, the
essence of all the conditions on which alone the Church can
accept the terms proposed.

"I wish it to be brought before the House, perfectly clearly,
that in her own province the Church must be supreme. She must
have an entire and undisputed right over her own doctrine and
discipline; for that is at the root of her only claim to be
heard. In respect to any legislation which, in her opinion,
touches the eternal principles of morality--in all such things,
for example, as the marriage law--her supreme authority must be
respected; as well as in all those other matters of the same
nature upon which you have questioned me.

"But on the other side the Church recognizes, and always will
recognize, the right of a free people to govern themselves; and,
not only recognizes that right, but will support it with all the
power at her command. I have acknowledged that in a few instances
in history ecclesiastics have interfered unduly with what did not
concern them--interfered, that is, not as citizens (for that is
their right, in common with all other citizens)--but in the Name
of Religion. Now that, gentlemen, is simply a thing of the past.
If secular rulers have learned by experience, so have
ecclesiastical rulers. . . . I have invited investigation into
the history of the last hundred years; and I have answered those
few charges that have been brought--I hope to your satisfaction."
(There was a murmur of applause.)

"In secular matters, therefore, the Church will be wholly on the
side of liberty. Ecclesiastical authorities, for example, would
be the first to welcome a repeal of legislation as regards
heresy; but, on the other hand, we fully recognize the right of a
secular State to protect itself, even by the death penalty,
against those who threaten the existence of the sanctions on
which a secular State takes its stand. We recognize her right, I
say; but I do n