tion of class conciliation, they are constantly
being dragged backwards in the direction of class war. Unconsciously
they are doing all they can to retard Socialism--short of leaving the
movement. But as long as they consent to go with Socialism when they are
unable to make Socialism go with them, their ability to retard the
movement is strictly limited.

FOOTNOTES:

[101] Charles Rappaport, "Das Ministerium Briand," _Die Neue Zeit_
(1910).

[102] See _Die Neue Zeit_, April, 1911, p. 46. Article by Vandervelde.

[103] The _Avanti_, April, 1911.

[104] The _Avanti_, Oct. 18, 1911.

[105] _Critica Sociale_, Nov. 1, 1911.

[106] _Azione Socialista_, Nov. 19, 1911.

[107] _Avanti_, Dec. 2 and 3, 1911.

CHAPTER III

"LABORISM" IN GREAT BRITAIN

The British Socialist situation is almost as important internationally
as the German. The organized workingmen of the world are indeed divided
almost equally into two camps. Most of those of Australia, South Africa,
and Canada, as well as a large majority in the United States, favor a
Labour Party of the British type, and even the reformist Socialist
leaders, Jaures in France, Vandervelde in Belgium, and Turati in Italy,
often take the British Party as model. On the other hand the majority of
the _Socialists_ everywhere outside of Great Britain, including the
larger part of all the _working people_ in every country of continental
Europe, look towards the Socialist Party of Germany as their model, the
political principles and tactics of which are diametrically opposed to
those of the British Labour Party.

Far from opposing their Socialism to the "State Socialism" of the
government, the British Socialists in general frankly admit that they
also are "State Socialists," and seem not to realize that the increased
power and industrial functions of the State may be used to the advantage
of the privileged classes rather than to that of the masses. The
Independent Labour Party even claims in its official literature that the
"degree of civilization which a state has reached may almost be measured
by the proportion of the national income which is spent collectively
instead of individually."[108]

"Public ownership is Socialism," writes Mr. J. R. MacDonald, until
lately Chairman of the Labour Party,[109] while Mr. Philip Snowden says
that the first principle of Socialism is that the interests of the State
stand over those of individuals.[110]

"I believe," says Mr. Kei