proposer of the famous bill for separating the Church and the State.
He was immediately excluded from the party, since at the time of
Millerand's similar step a few years before the party had reached the
definite conclusion that Socialists should not be allowed to participate
in their opponent's administrations.

When Briand became minister, and later (in 1909) prime minister, he did
not fail at once to realize the worst fears of the Socialists, elevating
military men and naval officers to the highest positions, and promoting
that minister who had been most active in suppressing the post office
strike to the head of the department of justice. So-called collectivist
reforms that were introduced while he was minister, like the purchase of
the Western Railway, were carried through, according to conservative
Socialists like Jaures, with a loss of 700,000,000 francs to the State.
So that now Jaures, who had done so much to forward Millerandism and
Briandism felt obliged to propose a resolution condemning Briand and
Millerand and Viviani as traitors who had allowed themselves to be used
"for the purpose of 'capitalism.'"

"'Socialistic' ministers," says Rappoport, "have fallen below the level
of progressive capitalistic governments. No 'Socialistic' minister has
done near so much for democracy as honorable but narrow-minded democrats
like Combes. 'Socialistic' ministers have before anything else sought
the means of keeping themselves in office. In order to make people
forget their past, they are compelled to give continuously new proofs of
their zeal for the government."

In France, where strong radical, democratic, and "State Socialist"
parties already exist, ready to absorb those who put reform before
Socialism, the likelihood that such desertions will lead to any serious
division of the party seems small, especially since the Toulouse
Congress, when a platform was adopted unanimously. Of course, the
leading factor in this platform was Jaures, who stands as strongly for
a policy of unity and conciliation within the party as he has for an
almost uninterrupted conciliation and cooeperation with the more or less
radical forces outside of it.

If Jaures was able to get the French Party to adopt this unanimous
program, it was because he is not the most extreme of reformists, and
because he has hitherto placed party loyalty before everything. In the
same way Bebel, voting on nearly every occasion with the revolutionists,
is