d much with regard
to that distinction, but I have arrived at the conclusion that it
cannot be drawn. I believe it passes the wit of man."

To distinguish between matters which might and those which could not
affect Ireland was impossible to the ordinary man, and the device of
committing all matters of special difficulty to the decision of Mr.
Speaker had not then its present vogue. Further, it was obvious that
under such a system a British Ministry might have on one day, when
English or Scottish affairs were under discussion, a commanding
majority; but on the next, when a vote possibly affecting the sister
island was in question, might find itself labouring in the trough of the
sea; while on the third day, that vote having been disposed of and the
Irish members having taken their leave, it might rise once more on the
crest of the wave. The proposal was too ludicrous to be long defended.
The sense of humour of the House prevailed over Mr. Gladstone's
earnestness, and he fell back on inclusion for all purposes.

But inclusion for all purposes had its own difficulties. Under the
Gladstonian system the Imperial Parliament would have considered, not
only matters affecting the whole kingdom, but also purely English or
purely Scottish affairs; and to give to the Irish representatives the
control in their own Parliament of purely Irish affairs, and also a
voice at Westminster on matters affecting England or Scotland only, was
obviously unjust. Such a power would have been used, not for the benefit
of England or Scotland, but as an instrument for wresting further
concessions for Ireland.

"I will never be a party," said Mr. Gladstone at one time, "to
allowing the Irish members to manage their own affairs in Dublin,
and at the same time to come over here and manage British affairs.
Such an arrangement would not be a Bill to grant self-government to
Ireland, but one to remove self-government from England; it would
create a subordinate Parliament indeed, but it would be the one at
Westminster, and not that in Dublin."[45]

The problem seems insoluble because, under a hybrid (or Gladstonian)
system of Home Rule, it is insoluble. If a clear line is taken, there
is no difficulty under this head. If full "responsible" or colonial
government is granted, clearly representation in the Imperial Parliament
(I do not now speak of a federal assembly) is an anomaly. On the other
hand, if nothin