iament; and proceedings relating to the reserved
powers or to the customs or excise duties were to be determined by such
judges (clause 19). Appeals from the Courts in Ireland were to lie to
the Judicial Committee of the Imperial Privy Council (clause 21); and
any question as to the powers of the Irish Legislature could be referred
to the same Committee (clause 22). The Royal Irish Constabulary and
Dublin Metropolitan Police Force were gradually to disappear, and police
matters to be regulated by the Irish Legislature and Executive (clause
29). The Irish Legislature was to be prohibited from passing land
legislation for a period of three years (clause 34).

As to these proposals the first observation that occurs is that, in
addition to the matters proposed to be reserved, there are others in
which legislative uniformity throughout the kingdom is greatly to be
desired. To mention but a few such matters, questions of status,
contract and succession, of international trade and navigation, of the
regulation of railways and of industrial labour, and of the criminal
law, should not be differently determined in different parts of the
kingdom; and as life becomes more complex, the number of subjects in
which diversity of laws is a hindrance continues to increase.

In the next place, it is to be noted that the checks proposed affect
legislation only and not administration. If the Bill of 1893 or any
similar Bill should become law, the whole executive power in Ireland
will be in an Irish Ministry responsible to an Irish Assembly; and it is
obvious that many of the wrongs against which the restrictive clauses of
the Bill were directed may be inflicted by administrative act or
omission as effectively as by legislation. To quote a work of
authority[33]--

"An independent Irish Executive will possess immense power. It will
be able by mere administrative action or inaction, without passing
a single law which infringes any restriction to be imposed by the
Irish Government Act, 1893, to effect a revolution. Let us consider
for a moment a few of the things which the Irish Cabinet might do
if it chose. It might confine all political, administrative, or
judicial appointments to Nationalists, and thus exclude Loyalists
from all positions of public trust. It might place the bench, the
magistracy, the police, wholly in the hands of Catholics; it might,
by encouragement of athletic clubs wher