charged all the
postage stamps.

Prince Nikola had made a bold bid for popularity. But he did not
know the web that was already winding around him. On returning to
London I found the Serbian, Alexander Jovitchitch, who had been
informally representing Serbia since the murder of Alexander, much
excited. The British Government, for no visible reason, was coming
to the conclusion that all should be forgotten and forgiven, and
diplomatic relations resumed with Serbia. As it was inconvenient to
have no communication at all, England had adopted a sort of
"We really can't ask you to dinner but you may talk with the cook
over the area railings" attitude towards Jovitchitch and allowed him
to call at the Foreign Office. Now, having suffered long at the back
door, he was much hurt to find that on resumption of relations he
was to retire in favour of M. Militchevitch, the former Serb
Minister, the same who in 1902 had had to clear me of the charge of
being a Karageorgevitch. By way of cheering Jovitchitch I said
things Serb were indeed looking up. Relations were to be resumed
with Serbia, and King Edward had promised to visit Montenegro.
Jovitchitch, to my surprise, fired up. He told me sharply that the
King would never go to Montenegro. It could not be permitted. "But
why?" I asked, astonished. "Because Serbia is the leading state.
It would be an insult to the Serb race if King Edward went to
Cetinje before Belgrade! It has been represented to him and he has
dropped the project."

That King Edward, after all he and the British Government had said
about the murders, should now be so sensitive of Serbia's feelings
that, to please Petar Karageorgevitch, Edward VII should change his
holiday plans, was a little astonishing.

The reason has since then come to light. We were bound to France by
the Entente Cordiale, and France was bound to Russia. Petar
Karageorgevitch was Russia's choice. Russia had quite decided that
Bulgaria, by means of which she had first planned to work, would
never voluntarily be her vassal state and act as land-bridge to
Constantinople, and had therefore, in 1903, definitely preferred
Serbia. But she could not support two heads for Great Serbia. One
must go. England must not hob-nob with Montenegro. This was the
first definite outside sign that there was to be a struggle between
Serbia and Montenegro. France's military policy was tied fast to
Russia's. And in December of that year--1905--we know now that
"m