ht against it. He had not enough British artillerymen, however, and
would not make the mistake of his successors, who trained natives to
work the guns, which were turned against the British with such effect
in 1857. It is sufficient to say that after the Mutiny the government
returned to his policy, and not a native gunner is now to be found in
the Indian army.

Clive's final return to England, a poorer man than he went out, in spite
of still more tremendous temptations, was the signal for an outburst of
his personal enemies, exceeded only by that which the malice of Sir
Philip Francis afterwards excited against Warren Hastings. Every
civilian whose illicit gains he had cut off, every officer whose
conspiracy he had foiled, every proprietor or director, like Sulivan,
whose selfish schemes he had thwarted, now sought their opportunity. He
had, with consistent generosity, at once made over the legacy of L70,000
from the grateful Jafar Ali, as the capital of what has since been known
as "the Clive Fund," for the support of invalided European soldiers, as
well as officers, and their widows, and the Company had allowed 8% on
the sum for an object which it was otherwise bound to meet. General John
Burgoyne, of Saratoga memory, did his best to induce the House of
Commons, in which Lord Clive was now member for Shrewsbury, to impeach
the man who gave his country an empire, and the people of that empire
peace and justice, and that, as we have seen, without blot on the gift,
save in the matter of Omichund. The result, after the brilliant and
honourable defences of his career which will be found in Almon's
_Debates_ for 1773, was a compromise that saved England this time from
the dishonour which, when Warren Hastings had to run the gauntlet, put
it in the same category with France in the treatment of its public
benefactors abroad. On a division the House, by 155 to 95, carried the
motion that Lord Clive "did obtain and possess himself" of L234,000
during his first administration of Bengal; but, refusing to express an
opinion on the fact, it passed unanimously the second motion, at five in
the morning, "that Robert, Lord Clive, did at the same time render great
and meritorious services to his country." The one moral question, the
one questionable transaction in all that brilliant and tempted life--the
Omichund treaty--was not touched.

Only one who can personally understand what Clive's power and services
had been will rightly rea