point of view, that of the statesman who thinks
that it is part of his duty to put his services at the disposal of his
country whenever required to do so. He felt also slightly surprised to
find, once he had expressed his willingness to use the experience of South
African affairs which he had acquired and which no one in the Cape
possessed with such thoroughness, that the people who had appealed to him,
and whom he had consented to meet half-way, would not give him the whole
of their confidence; indeed, they showed some apprehension that he would
use his knowledge to their detriment.

When one reviews all the circumstances that cast such a tragic shade over
the history of these eventful months, one cannot help coming to the
conclusion that there was a good deal of misunderstanding on both sides
and a deplorable lack of confidence everywhere. Rhodes had entirely lost
ground among his former friends, and would not understand that it was more
difficult, even on the part of those who believed in his good intentions,
to efface the impression that he had been playing a double game ever since
the Raid had deprived him of the confidence and support which previously
were his all over Cape Colony.

The whole situation, as the new century opened, was a game of cross
purposes. Sir Alfred Milner might have unravelled the skein, but he was
the one man whom no one interested in the business wished to ask for help.
And what added to the tragedy was the curious but undisputable fact that
even those who reviled Rhodes hoped he would return to power and assume
the Premiership in place of Sir Gordon Sprigg.

In spite of the respect which Sir Gordon Sprigg inspired, and of the
esteem in which he was held by all parties, it was generally felt that if
Rhodes were once more at the helm he might return to a more reasonable
view of the whole situation. In such an office, too, it was believed that
Rhodes would give the Colony the benefit of his remarkable gifts of
statecraft, as well as wield the authority which he liked so much to
exercise, for the greater good of the country in general and of the
British Government in particular. I believe that if at that moment Cecil
Rhodes had become the head of the Cabinet not one voice, even among the
most fanatic of the Afrikander Bond, would have objected. Those most
averse to such a possibility were Rhodes' own supporters, a small group of
men whose names I shall refrain from mentioning.

All true fri