his countrymen. This may be done by thrusting upon the President
new issues on which the well-known principles of his life do not
agree with the judgment of his political associates. It may be
done by irritating controversies of a personal character. It may
be done by the President turning his back upon those who trusted
him with high power, and thus linking his name with one of the most
disgraceful in American history, that of John Tyler. I feel an
abiding confidence that Andrew Johnson will not and cannot do this;
and, sir, who will deny that the overbearing and intolerant will
of Henry Clay contributed very much to the defection of John Tyler?
But the division of the Whig party was an event utterly insignificant
in comparison with the evil results of a division in the Union
party.
"Where will be the four million slaves whom by your policy you have
emancipated? What would be their miserable fate if now surrendered
to the custody of the rebels of the south? Will you, by your demand
of universal suffrage, destroy the power of the Union party to
protect them in their dearly purchased liberty? Will you, by new
issues upon which you know you have not the voice of the people,
jeopard these rights which you can by the aid of the Union party
secure to these freedmen? We know that the President can not and
will not unite with us upon the issues of universal suffrage and
dead states, and he never agreed to. No such dogmas were contemplated,
when, for his heroic services in the cause of the Union, we placed
him, side by side, with Mr. Lincoln as our standard-bearer. Why,
then, present these issues? Why decide upon them? Why not complete
the work so gloriously done by our soldiers in securing union and
liberty to all men without distinction of color, leaving to the
states, as before, the question of suffrage.
"Sir, the curse of God, the maledictions of millions of our people,
and the tears and blood of new-made freedmen will, in my judgment,
rest upon those who now for any cause destroy the unity of the
great party that has led us through the wilderness of war. We want
now peace and repose. We must now look to our public credit. We
have duties to perform to the business interests of the country,
in which we need the assistance of the President. We have every
motive for harmony with him and with each other, and for a generous
and manly trust in his patriotism. If ever the time shall come
when I can no longer
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