monstrating against imperial decrees is perfectly in keeping with
all grants of power made by the sovereigns of Russia to their
subjects. There is not, and can not be in the nature of things, a
limited despotism. As soon as the subjects possess constitutional
rights at all binding upon the supreme authority, it becomes another
form of government. The great difficulty in Russia is, that the
sovereign can not divest himself of any substantial part of his power
without adding to that of the nobles and the aristocracy, who are
already, by birth, position, and instinct, the class most to be
feared, and most inimical to the process of freedom. It is not
altogether the ignorance of the masses, therefore, that forms an
insuperable barrier to the introduction of more liberal institutions,
but the wealth, intelligence, and influence of the higher classes, who
neither toil nor spin, but derive their support from the labor of the
masses whom they hold in subjection. It is natural enough they should
oppose every reform tending to elevate these subordinate classes upon
whom they are dependent for all the powers and luxuries of their
position. Admitting that the present emperor may have a leaning toward
free institutions, and possibly contemplate educating forty or fifty
millions of his subjects to run him into the Presidency of Russia, it
is obvious that the path is very thorny, and that the position will be
well earned if ever he gets there. But these acts of sovereign
condescension, although they read very well in newspapers, and serve
to entertain mankind with vague ideas of the progress of freedom, are
generally the essence of an intense egotism, and amount to nothing
more than cunning devices to subvert what little of liberty their
subjects may be likely to extort from them by the maintenance of their
rights. I do not say that Alexander II. is governed by these motives,
but, having no faith in kings or despots of any kind, however good
they may be, I can see no reason why he should prove any better than
his predecessors. Upon this point let me tell you an anecdote. You are
aware, perhaps, that the Finns have a Constitution which allows them
to do what they please, provided it be pleasing to the emperor. Like
the ukase of Alexander I. to the Senate, and all similar grants of
authority, it is not worth the parchment upon which it is written, and
in its practical operation is no better than a practical joke. The
Finns, however, are