a
clamour without failing equally in our duty to both.

To what, my lords, is the untimely end of so many kings and emperours to
be imputed, but to the cowardice or treachery of their counsellors, of
those to whom they trusted that intercourse, which is always to be
preserved between a monarch and his people? Were kings honestly informed
of the opinions and dispositions of their subjects, they would never,
or, at least rarely, persist in such measures, as, by exasperating the
people, tend necessarily to endanger themselves.

It is the happiness of a British monarch, that he has a standing and
hereditary council, composed of men who do not owe their advancement to
the smiles of caprice, or the intrigues of a court; who are, therefore,
neither under the influence of a false gratitude, nor of a servile
dependence, and who may convey to the throne the sentiments of the
people, without danger, and without fear. But, my lords, if we are
either too negligent, or too timorous to do our duty, how is the
condition of our sovereign more safe, or more happy than that of an
emperour of Turkey, who is often ignorant of any complaints made against
the administration, till he hears the people thundering at the gates of
his palace.

Let us, therefore, my lords, whatever may be our opinion of the conduct
of the minister, inform his majesty of the discontent of his subjects,
since, whether it is just or not, the danger is the same, and whenever
any danger threatens the king, we ought either to enable him to oppose,
or caution him to avoid it.

Lord CHOLMONDELEY spoke next, to the following effect:--My lords, I
cannot but observe in this debate an ambition of popularity, in my
opinion not very consistent with the freedom of debate, and the dignity
of this assembly, which ought to be influenced by no other motive than
the force of reason and truth.

It has been a common method of eluding the efficacy of arguments, to
charge the opponent with blind adherence to interest, or corrupt
compliance with the directions of a court; nor has it been less frequent
to prevent inquiries into publick measures, by representing them as the
clamours of faction, the murmurs of disobedience, and the prelude to
rebellion.

So necessary, my lords, has it been always thought to be uninfluenced in
our examinations by dependence or interest, that the most irrefragable
reasons have lost the power of conviction, by the condition and
characters of those by wh