ct the members of the other
house.

How much the influence of the crown has operated upon all publick
councils since the advancement of this gentleman, how zealously it has
been supported, and how industriously extended, is unnecessary to
explain, since what is seen or felt by almost every man in the kingdom
cannot reasonably be supposed unknown to your lordships.

Nothing can be more contrary to the true notion of the British
constitution, than to imagine, that by such measures his majesty's real
interest is advanced. The true interest, my lords, of every monarch, is
to please the people, and the only way of pleasing Britons, is to
preserve their liberties, their reputation, and their commerce. Every
attempt to extend the power of the crown beyond the limits prescribed by
our laws, must in effect make it weaker, by diverting the only source of
its strength, the affection of his subjects.

It is, therefore, my opinion, my lords, that we ought to agree to this
motion, as a standing memorial not only of our regard for the nation,
but of our adherence to our sovereign; that his councils may be no
longer influenced by that man whose pernicious advice, and unjustifiable
conduct, has added new hopes and new strength to his enemies,
impoverished and exasperated his subjects, inflamed the discontent of
the seditious, and almost alienated the affection of the loyal.

The bishop of SALISBURY spoke next, to the following purport:--My lords,
after all the exaggerations of the errours, and all the representations
of the malconduct of the right honourable gentleman; after the most
affecting rhetorick, and the most acute inquiries, nothing has appeared
of weight sufficient to prevail with me to agree to the present motion;
a motion, if not of an unprecedented, yet of a very extraordinary kind,
which may extend in its consequences to futurity, and be, perhaps, more
dangerous to innocence than guilt.

I cannot yet discover any proof sufficient to convict him of having
usurped the authority of _first_ minister, or any other power than that
accidental influence which every man has, whose address or services have
procured him the favour of his sovereign.

The usurpation, my lords, of regal power must be made evident by
somewhat more than general assertions, must appear from some publick act
like that of one of the prelates left regent of the kingdom by Richard
the first, who, as soon as the king was gone too far to return, in the
fi