e near
prospect of present advantages, and the apprehension of present dangers;
and every other man has been, in the same manner, sometimes deluded into
a preference of a smaller present advantage, to a greater which was more
remote.

Let it not be urged, my lords, that politicks are advanced since the
time of Cromwell, and that errours which might then be committed by the
wisest administration, are now gross and reproachful; we are to remember
that every part of policy has been equally improved, and that if more
methods of discovery have been struck out, there have been likewise more
arts invented of eluding it.

When, therefore, we inquire into the conduct, or examine the abilities
of a minister, we are not to expect that he should appear never to have
been deceived, but that he should never be found to have neglected any
proper means of information, nor ever to have willingly given up the
interest of his country; but we are not to impute to his weakness what
is only to be ascribed to the wisdom of those whom he opposed.

If this plea, my lords, is reasonable, it will be necessary for those
who support the motion, to prove, not only that the treaty of Vienna was
never made, but that the falsehood of the report either was or might
have been known by our ministers; otherwise, those who are inclined to
retain a favourable opinion of their integrity and abilities, may
conclude, that they were either not mistaken, or were led into errour by
such delusions as would no less easily have imposed on their accusers,
and that by exalting their enemies to their stations, they shall not
much consult the advantage of their country.

This motion, therefore, my lords, founded upon no acknowledged, no
indisputable facts, nor supported by legal evidence; this motion, which,
by appealing to common fame, as the ultimate judge of every man's
actions, may bring every man's life, or fortune, into danger; this
motion, which condemns without hearing, and decides without examining, I
cannot but reject, and hope your lordships will concur with me.

Lord CARLISLE spoke next, to the following purport:--My lords, the state
of the question before us has, in my opinion, not been rightly
apprehended by the noble lord who spoke last, nor is the innocence or
guilt of the minister the chief question before us, because a minister
may possibly mean well, and yet be, in some particular circumstances,
unqualified for his station.

He may not only want