this address, retain in our hands the privilege of inquiring into their
conduct, and the power, if it be found criminal, of inflicting such
penalties as justice shall require.

I know not, therefore, my lords, upon what motives the debate is
continued, nor what objections they are which hinder our unanimity, at a
time when all petty controversies ought to be forgot, and all nominal
distinctions laid aside; at a time when general danger may justly claim
general attention, and we ought to suspend the assertion of our
particular opinions, and the prosecution of our separate interests, and
regard only the opposition of France, the support of our allies, and the
preservation of our country.

The noble lords who have offered their sentiments on this occasion, have
very diffusely expatiated on the miseries that impend over us, and have
shown uncommon dexterity and acuteness in tracing them all to one
source, the weakness or dishonesty of the British ministry.

For my part, my lords, though, perhaps, I believe that many
circumstances of the present distress are to be imputed to accidents
which could not be foreseen, and that the conduct of the ministry,
however sometimes disappointed of the effects intended by it, was yet
prudent and sincere, I shall at present forbear to engage in their
defence, because the discussion of a question so complicated must
necessarily require much time, and because I think it not so useful to
inquire how we were involved in our present difficulties, as by what
means we may be extricated from them.

The method by which weak states are made strong, and by which those that
are already powerful, are enabled to exert their strength with efficacy,
is the promotion of union, and the abolition of all suspicions by which
the people may be incited to a distrust of their sovereign, or the
sovereign provoked to a disregard of his people. With this view, my
lords, all addresses ought to be drawn up, and this consideration will
be sufficient to restrain us from any innovations at a time like this.

If it should be granted, my lords, that the ancient method were better
adapted to the general intention of addresses, more correspondent to the
dignity of this house, and liable to fewer inconveniencies than that
which later times have introduced, yet it will not follow that we can
now safely change it.

Nothing in the whole doctrine of politicks is better known, than that
there are times when the redress of gri