manner; the liberty of the individual was safeguarded by a score of
specific and oft-renewed guarantees. In point of fact, however, the
English constitution of 1689 was very far from being the English
constitution of 1912. The overturn by which the last Stuart was driven
from the throne not only marked the culmination of the revolution
commenced in 1640; it comprised the beginning of a more extended
revolution, peaceful but thoroughgoing, by which the governmental
system of the realm was amplified, carried in new directions, and
successively readapted to fresh and changing conditions. At no time
from William III. to George V. was there a deliberate overhauling of
the governmental system as a whole. Save in occasional parliamentary
enactments and judicial decisions, the constitutional changes which
were wrought were rarely given documentary expression. Yet it is
hardly too much to say that of the principles and practices which
to-day make up the working constitution of the United Kingdom almost
all were originated or reshaped during the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. In describing, in succeeding chapters, the principal
aspects of this governmental system it will be necessary frequently to
allude to these more recent constitutional developments, and it would
but involve repetition to undertake an account of them at this point.
An enumeration and a brief characterization of a few of the more
important will serve for the moment to impress the importance
constitutionally of the period under consideration.

*34. The Decreased Authority of the Crown.*--First may be (p. 035)
mentioned the gradual eclipse of the crown and the establishment of
complete and unquestioned ascendancy on the part of Parliament. In
consequence of the Revolution of 1688-1689 the sovereign was shorn
definitely of a number of important prerogatives. William III.,
however, was no figure-head, and the crown was far from having been
reduced to impotence. Understanding perfectly the conditions upon
which he had been received in England, William none the less did not
attempt to conceal his innate love of power. He claimed prerogatives
which his Whig supporters were loath to acknowledge and he exercised
habitually in person, and with telling effect, the functions of
sovereign, premier, foreign minister, and military autocrat.[37] His
successor, Anne, though apathetic, was hardly less attached to the
interests of strong monarchy. It was only wit