and saw there was no fear of the extension of popery from the
measure which ministers felt it to be their duty to recommend to their
sovereign, but that, on the contrary, they would tend to strengthen the
protestant interests of the state, they would hail those measures as
beneficial to all classes.[11]

[Footnote 11: This, and the foregoing extracts on the subject of
Catholic Emancipation, are from short speeches made by the Duke in the
House of Lords after the intentions of the government had been made
known, but before the Emancipation Bill came up to that house. Although
the Duke earnestly deprecated these preliminary discussions, he was
called up almost every night by some peer or other.]

_March 2, 1829._

* * * * *

_No Compact with Rome would add to the security of the church of
Ireland._

I know that there are many in this house, and many in this country, who
think--and I am free to admit that I was formerly of the same opinion
myself--that the state ought to have some security for the church
against the proceedings of the Roman Catholic clergy, besides the oaths
imposed on them by the Act of Parliament I confess that on examining
into the question, and upon looking more minutely than I had before
leisure to do, at the various acts of Parliament by which the church of
England is constituted, and which form the foundation on which it rests,
I can think of no sort of arrangement capable of being carried into
execution in this country which can add to the security of the
established church. I beg your Lordships to attend for a moment whilst I
explain the situation of the kingdom of Prussia with respect to the
Roman Catholic religion. The King of Prussia exercises the power which
he does over the Roman Catholic church, in her various dominions, under
different concordats made with the Pope: in Silesia, under a concordat
made by Buonaparte with the Pope; and in the territories on the right
bank of the Rhine, under the concordat made by the former sovereigns of
those countries with the Pope. Each of these concordats supposes that
the Pope possesses some power in the country, which he is enabled to
concede to the sovereign with whom the concordat is made. That is a
point which we can never yield to any sovereign whatever. There is no
sovereign, be he who he may, who has any power in this country to confer
upon his majesty. We must keep our sovereign clear from such
transactions.