ating the treatment
of the peasants by the Whites; posters against desertion, posters
illustrating the Russian struggle against the rest of the world, showing
a workman, a peasant, a sailor and a soldier fighting in self-defence
against an enormous Capitalistic Hydra. There were also-and this I took
as a sign of what might be-posters encouraging the sowing of corn, and
posters explaining in simple pictures improved methods of agriculture.
Our own recruiting propaganda during the war, good as that was, was
never developed to such a point of excellence, and knowing the general
slowness with which the Russian centre reacts on its periphery, I
was amazed not only at the actual posters, but at their efficient
distribution thus far from Moscow.

I have had an opportunity of seeing two of the propaganda trains, the
object of which is to reduce the size of Russia politically by bringing
Moscow to the front and to the out of the way districts, and so to
lessen the difficulty of obtaining that general unity of purpose which
it is the object of propaganda to produce. The fact that there is some
hope that in the near future the whole of this apparatus may be turned
over to the propaganda of industry makes it perhaps worth while to
describe these trains in detail.

Russia, for purposes of this internal propaganda, is divided into
five sections, and each section has its own train, prepared for the
particular political needs of the section it serves, bearing its own
name, carrying its regular crew-a propaganda unit, as corporate as the
crew of a ship. The five trains at present in existence are the "Lenin,"
the "Sverdlov," the "October Revolution," the "Red East," which is now
in Turkestan, and the "Red Cossack," which, ready to start for Rostov
and the Don, was standing, in the sidings at the Kursk station, together
with the "Lenin," returned for refitting and painting.

Burov, the organizer of these trains, a ruddy, enthusiastic little
man in patched leather coat and breeches, took a party of foreigners-a
Swede, a Norwegian, two Czechs, a German and myself to visit his trains,
together with Radek, in the hope that Radek would induce Lenin to visit
them, in which case Lenin would be kinematographed for the delight of
the villagers, and possibly the Central Committee would, if Lenin were
interested, lend them more lively support.

We walked along the "Lenin" first, at Burov's special request. Burov,
it seems, has only rece