ears hence will not answer. The foundations of the
Government are undermined and growing weaker every day, and if the
people who may give to it the necessary repair and strength do not do
so, they will be called to a fearful account. When the building is on
fire, it is no time to inquire who set it on fire. The North say the
South did it, and the South say the North did it.

We are all interested in this Government; we love the Constitution; we
love the Union; we want to repair it--we want to lay the foundation
for bringing back the States who have left us, by reason and not by
the sword. The delay which the gentleman proposes is too long; the
Constitution has provided a shorter way. In adopting that we are only
recognizing the right of petition.

I, sir, will answer to Kentucky; I don't want the gentleman to come
between me and the people of Kentucky. He has no right to speak for
the people of that State--her representatives here have that right and
will exercise it. Why were these resolutions passed? Because Congress
had failed to provide the means needful to our safety. The resolutions
under which the Kentucky delegation came here were passed on the 29th,
not the 25th of January. They were passed after the resolutions to
which the gentleman refers. They ought to be regarded, as they are in
fact, as the deliberate expression of the Legislature of Kentucky in
favor of this Conference. In them it is stated that Kentucky heartily
accepts the invitation of her old mother Virginia. She acts in no
unwilling spirit, she hastens to avail herself of any opportunity to
save the Government. She believes a favorable opportunity is offered
by this Conference. I repeat again: Adopt the report of the majority
of the committee and I will answer to Kentucky. I will go farther. I
will answer that Kentucky herself will adopt the very proposals of
amendment to the Constitution contained in the committee's report.

But the gentleman insists that the action proposed is not only
improper but that it is _revolutionary_. I deny that it is
revolutionary. It is no more revolutionary than any other form of
petition. It is a petition sustained by the moral force of twenty
States--a petition which Congress will not disregard.

But if the report of the majority is revolutionary, what of the
gentleman's report? Is that provided for by the Constitution? Is that
according to the forms of the Constitution? No, sir. Every argument he
has brought aga