f it,
personally.

Mr. CURTIS:--I do not agree with the gentleman. We know, and the
gentleman knows, that there has been for a long time a purpose, a
great conspiracy in this country, to begin and carry out a revolution.
That has been avowed over and over again in the halls of Congress. Can
you expect a member of Congress to do more than reflect the will of
his constituents, the will of his people? Would you have him do any
thing different? There were forty or fifty different propositions
before the Congressional Committee of Thirty-three. There are many
here. There are many difficulties attending the solution of this
question in every respect. But we may as well speak plainly. I cannot
go for the majority report of the committee, and among other reasons,
for this reason: Their proposition makes all territory we may
hereafter acquire slave territory.

Mr. JOHNSON:--No; such is not the fact.

Mr. CURTIS:--I have read it, and such is my construction.

Mr. JOHNSON:--Such is not the intention.

Mr. CURTIS:--Any future territory which we acquire must be from the
south; we have extended as far as we can to the north and the
northwest.

Mr. WICKLIFFE:--Will you agree to divide all future territory?

Mr. CURTIS:--I will do almost any thing to save the Union. I will
reflect the will of my constituents. I think it ought not to be
divided equally, but the South ought to have its share. There is
another trouble. Look at the difficulty of getting any proposition
through Congress. Congress has only fifteen days of life. I ask you,
even with general unanimity, if you can hope to pass at this session
any new proposals of amendments? If you do, you will get along faster
than is generally the case. There is one proposition before Congress
that I believe can pass. It is the Adams proposition, to admit all the
territories south at once. It is already slave territory. It is now
applying for admission. If this is acceptable to the South, I will go
for it. We are bound to admit it under the ordinance of 1789.

Mr. GOODRICH:--Do I understand my friend to claim that the ordinance
of 1789 involves a proposition to divide the territory?

Mr. CURTIS:--I understand that in connection with the subsequent
legislation it does.

Mr. GOODRICH:--The concession of territory from North Carolina
contains a prohibition from acting on the subject of slavery in the
territory ceded.

Mr. CURTIS:--I agree entirely with the gentleman. I am opposed