st in the universe who is not enraptured
with his oration. But when he so "fearlessly asserts" that his speech
"has never been answered," we beg leave to assure him that it _may_ be
refuted with the most perfect ease. For, indeed, its history is half
fiction, and its logic wholly false: the first containing just enough of
truth to deceive, and the last just enough of plansibility to convince
those who are waiting, and watching, and longing to be convinced.

The first thing which strikes the mind, on reading the speech of Mr.
Sumner, is the strange logical incoherency of its structure. Its parts
are so loosely hung together, and appear so distressingly disjointed,
that one is frequently at a loss to perceive the design of the oration.
Its avowed object is to procure a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law of
1850; but no one would ever imagine or suspect such a thing from the
title of the speech, which is as follows: "Freedom, national; Slavery,
sectional." It is difficult, at first view, to perceive what logical
connection this title, or proposition, has with the repeal of the
Fugitive Slave Law. But if there be little or no logical connection
between these things, we shall soon see how the choice of such a title
and topic of discourse opens the way for the rhetorician to make a most
powerful appeal to the passions and to the prejudices of his readers. We
say, of his readers, because it is evident that the speech was made for
Buncombe, and not for the Senate of the United States.

Mr. Sumner deems it necessary to refute the position that slavery is a
national institution, in order to set the world right with respect to
the relations of the Federal Government to slavery. "The relations of
the Government of the United States," says he,--"I speak of the National
Government--to slavery, _though plain and obvious, are constantly
misunderstood_." Indeed, nothing in history seems more remarkable than
the amount of ignorance and stupidity which prevailed in the world
before the appearance of the abolitionists, except the wonderful
illuminations which accompanied their advent. "A popular belief at this
moment," continues Mr. Sumner, "makes slavery a national institution,
and, of course, renders its support a national duty. The extravagance of
this error can hardly be surpassed." In truth, it is so exceedingly
extravagant, that we doubt if it really exists. It is certain, that we
have no acquaintance, either historically or personally