ust are hated
in Ireland because they bear a foreign aspect, and come before the Irish
people in a foreign garb. If this assertion be not true, then the whole
case for Home Rule falls to the ground. If this assertion possess even
partial truth, then it applies with far greater force to tribute than
to law. It is almost an absurdity to suppose that people who hate good
laws because they may be termed English will not detest a heavy tax
which not only may be called, but in reality is, a tribute to England.
It is well to remember that a "publican" was a tax-gatherer, and that
Roman publicans were far more hated than Roman Judges or Roman law. If
England gives Ireland semi-independence, and at the same time makes
Ireland pay tribute, all the conciliatory effects of Home Rule will be
lost. If Home Rule is to have even a bare chance of producing in Ireland
the contentment of Victoria, Ireland, the poorest of all civilized
countries, must be freed from Imperial taxation, which would not be
tolerated by the richest of our colonies. To this conclusion the
advocates and the opponents of Home Rule may, I think, both come without
grave dissatisfaction. Of all the sacrifices by which Ireland might be
benefited, that sacrifice which England should make with the least
regret is sacrifice of revenue. If, however, it be assumed, as the
supporters of the Government of Ireland Bill must assume, that justice
requires the contribution by Ireland of three or four millions annually
to Imperial expenditure, then the Gladstonian Constitution, if it
provides for the satisfaction of the claims of Great Britain, does so at
the cost of keeping alive Irish discontent. Nor is it at all certain
that the payment of the tribute could in effect be easily secured. The
practical working of the Constitution might well be that Great Britain
were impoverished and Ireland were angered.

Justice to individuals and to unpopular minorities is a matter of far
greater importance and far more difficult to secure than the regular
payment of Ireland's contribution to Imperial expenditure.

The Gladstonian Constitution ought to provide securities against
executive and legislative oppression.

To provide however against the possible oppression of classes or
individuals by an Irish Ministry and Irish officials is all but an
impossibility, though, as every one knows, the grossest oppression may
in any country arise from the wrongful action or inaction of the
executive