so
fatal to their countrymen as the unconditional repeal of the corn laws;
and, indeed, before they took that step, which almost all of them
have since publicly regretted and attempted to compensate for by their
subsequent votes in the House of Commons, the prospect of their conduct
frequently and considerably varied.

The Earl of St. Germans, the chief secretary of the Lord Lieutenant,
introduced the Coercion Bill to the House of Lords on the 24th of
February, and, considering the exigency, and the important reference
to it in the speech from the throne, this step on the part of the
government was certainly not precipitate. It was observed that the
strongest supporters of the measure in the House of Lords on this
occasion were the leaders of the Whig party. Lord Lansdowne, 'so far
from complaining of the Government for bringing forward the measure at
so early a period of the session, was ready to admit, that after the
declaration of her Majesty, a declaration unhappily warranted by
facts known to many of their lordships, every day was lost in which an
effectual remedy was not at least attempted to put an end to a state
of society so horrible.' Lord Clanricarde 'gave his ready assent to the
bill;' and even Lord Grey, 'though he regretted the necessity for this
measure, was of opinion that the chief secretary had established a
sufficient case for arming the executive government with some additional
powers.' When, therefore, at the end of the month of March, Lord George
Bentinck was invited to attend a meeting of his friends, held at the
house of Mr. Bankes, to consider the course which should be adopted
by the Protectionist party with respect to the Coercion Bill, it was
assumed, as a matter of course, that the coalition of the government
and the Whigs must secure the passing of the measure, even if the
Protectionists were disposed, for the chance of embarrassing the
ministry, to resist it; and of course there was no great tendency in
that direction. Men are apt to believe that crime and coercion are
inevitably associated. There was abundance of precedent for the course,
which seemed also a natural one.

In less than a century there had been seventeen coercive acts for
Ireland, a circumstance which might make some ponder whether
such legislation were as efficacious as it was violent. However,
assassination rife, Captain Rock and Molly M'Guire out at night, Whigs
and Tories all agreed, it was easy to catch at a glance