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ntrol over naturalization. The object is to bring all of
the courts under a uniform practice, to provide complete records and
means of identification, to establish publicity, to enable the
government to appear in court and resist fraudulent naturalization, and
to impose severe penalties.[109] The law also adds something to the
qualifications required of the alien. He must not be an anarchist or a
polygamist, nor a believer of such doctrines; he must be able to speak
the English language, and must intend to reside permanently in the
United States.[110] The language restriction affects but few, since in
1900 only 3.3 per cent of the naturalized foreign-born males of voting
age could not speak English.[111] The intention of permanent residence,
as well as the entire measure, is designed to remove the abuse of
foreigners' acquiring citizenship in order to return to their native
land and defy their rightful government. On the administrative side this
law is of great significance. It marks a serious beginning on the part
of the federal government of protecting the citizenship that a
generation before it had so liberally bestowed.
There are certain races which by law are prohibited from naturalization.
For nearly seventy years the law on the subject enacted in 1802 admitted
to citizenship only free white persons. This was amended in 1870 to
admit "aliens of African nationality and persons of African descent."
But other colored races were not admitted, so that the Chinese,
Japanese, or Malay immigrant has never been eligible to citizenship. His
children, however, born in this country are citizens, and cannot be
excluded from voting on account of race or color. Indians living in
tribes are foreigners, but if they recognize allegiance by paying taxes
or dividing up their land in severalty they are citizens and voters.
Of the immigrant races eligible to citizenship their importance as
possible voters is greater than their importance in the population. This
is because men and boys come in greater numbers than women and children.
Ten million foreign-born population furnishes 5,000,000 males of voting
age, but 66,000,000 native population furnishes only 16,000,000 males of
voting age. In other words, one-half of the foreign-born, and only
one-fourth of the native-born, are potential voters. But not all of the
potential voters are actual voters. With a grand total in the year 1900
of 21,000,000 of the proper sex and age, only 15,000
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