tional needs of the immigrants and their children.

More than any other class in the community, it is the employers who
determine the progress of the foreigner and his children towards
Americanization. They control his waking hours, his conditions of
living, and his chances of advancement. In recent years a few employers
have begun to realize their responsibilities, and a great corporation
like the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company establishes its "sociological"
department with its schools, kindergartens, hospitals, recreation
centres, and model housing, on an equal footing with its engineering and
sales departments. Other employers are interesting themselves in various
degrees and ways in "welfare work," or "industrial betterment," and
those who profit most by this awakening interest are the foreign-born
and their families. This interest has not yet shown itself in a
willingness to shorten the hours of labor, and this phase of welfare
work must probably be brought about by other agencies.

The influence of schools, churches, settlements, and farming communities
applies more to the children of immigrants than their parents. The
immigrants themselves are too old for Americanization, especially when
they speak a non-English language. To them the labor-union is at present
the strongest Americanizing force. The effort of organized labor to
organize the unskilled and the immigrant is the largest and most
significant fact of the labor movement. Apart from the labor question
itself, it means the enlistment of a powerful self-interest in the
Americanization of the foreign-born. For it is not too much to say that
the only effective Americanizing force for the Southeastern European is
the labor-union. The church to which he gives allegiance is the Roman
Catholic, and, however much the Catholic Church may do for the ignorant
peasant in his European home, such instruction as the priest gives is
likely to tend toward an acceptance of their subservient position on the
part of the workingmen. It is a frequently observed fact that when
immigrants join a labor-union they almost insolently warn the priest to
keep his advice to himself.

Universal suffrage admits the immigrant to American politics within one
to five years after landing. But the suffrage is not looked upon to-day
as the sufficient Americanizing force that a preceding generation
imagined. The suffrage appeals very differently to the immigrant voter
and to the voter who has c