fluence, who
sought the magistracies; while all who were without influence, however
deserving, refrained through fear. This untoward result was not reached
all at once, but like other similar results, by gradual steps. For after
subduing Africa and Asia, and reducing nearly the whole of Greece to
submission, the Romans became perfectly assured of their freedom, and
seemed to themselves no longer to have any enemy whom they had cause to
fear. But this security and the weakness of their adversaries led them
in conferring the consulship, no longer to look to merit, but only to
favour, selecting for the office those who knew best how to pay court
to them, not those who knew best how to vanquish their enemies. And
afterwards, instead of selecting those who were best liked, they came
to select those who had most influence; and in this way, from the
imperfection of their institutions, good men came to be wholly excluded.
Again, as to making laws, any of the tribunes and certain others of the
magistrates were entitled to submit laws to the people; but before these
were passed it was open to every citizen to speak either for or against
them. This was a good system so long as the citizens were good, since it
is always well that every man should be able to propose what he thinks
may be of use to his country, and that all should be allowed to express
their views with regard to his proposal; so that the people, having
heard all, may resolve on what is best. But when the people grew
depraved, this became a very mischievous institution; for then it was
only the powerful who proposed laws, and these not in the interest of
public freedom but of their own authority; and because, through fear,
none durst speak against the laws they proposed, the people were either
deceived or forced into voting their own destruction.
In order, therefore, that Rome after she had become corrupted might
still preserve her freedom, it was necessary that, as in the course
of events she had made new laws, so likewise she should frame new
institutions, since different institutions and ordinances are needed in
a corrupt State from those which suit a State which is not corrupted;
for where the matter is wholly dissimilar, the form cannot be similar.
But since old institutions must either be reformed all at once, as soon
as they are seen to be no longer expedient, or else gradually, as the
imperfection of each is recognized, I say that each of these two courses
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